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This version of the selection alternates original text with summarized passages. Dotted lines appear next to the summarized passages.

Beowulf is a legend that comes out of the early Anglo-Saxon tradition. The story takes place in what today are the nations of Denmark and Sweden. As the selection opens, the Danes are celebrating at Herot, the banquet hall of the Danish king Hrothgar. They eat, drink, and listen to poets singing of great heroes. Little do they know that outside in the dark is an evil monster named Grendel. Disturbed by the Danes’ singing and jealous of their joy, he wishes to put an end to them.

Then, when darkness had dropped, GrendelWent up to Herot, wondering what the warriorsWould do in that hall when their drinking was done.He found them sprawled in sleep, suspectingNothing, their dreams undisturbed. The monster’sThoughts were as quick as his greed or his claws:He slipped through the door and there in the silenceSnatched up thirty men, smashed themUnknowing in their beds and ran out with their bodies,The blood dripping behind him, backTo his lair, delighted with his night’s slaughter.

At daybreak, with the sun’s first light, they sawHow well he had worked, and in that gray morningBroke their long feast with tears and lamentsFor the dead. Hrothgar, their lord, sat joylessIn Herot, a mighty prince mourningThe fate of his lost friends and companions,Knowing by its tracks that some demon had tornHis followers apart. He wept, fearingThe beginning might not be the end. And that nightGrendel came again. ...

For twelve long years, Grendel continues to attack the Danes. Stories of their sorrow reach across the sea to the land of the Geats,1 where Beowulf, nephew of the Geat king, hears of the horror. Beowulf has already won fame and glory for his powerful fighting skills. Hoping to win more, he sails to the land of the Danes to help Hrothgar and his people. Beowulf and his men arrive at Herot and are called to see the king. Beowulf offers his services to kill Grendel. He and his men stay the night inside Herot. That night, Grendel attacks Herot again.

ANCHOR TEXT | EPIC POETRY

translated by Burton Raffel

from Beowulf

1. Geats (GAY ots) n. members of a Scandinavian people who lived in what is today southwest Sweden.

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NOTESGrendel snatched at the first GeatHe came to, ripped him apart, cutHis body to bits with powerful jaws,Drank the blood from his veins and boltedHim down, hands and feet; deathAnd Grendel’s great teeth came together,Snapping life shut. Then he stepped to anotherStill body, clutched at Beowulf with his claws,Grasped at a strong-hearted wakeful sleeper—And was instantly seized himself, clawsBent back as Beowulf leaned up on one arm.

That shepherd of evil, guardian of crime,Knew at once that nowhere on earthHad he met a man whose hands were harder;His mind was flooded with fear—but nothingCould take his talons and himself from that tightHard grip. ...... The monster’s hatred rose higher,But his power had gone. He twisted in pain,And the bleeding sinews deep in his shoulderSnapped, muscle and bone splitAnd broke. The battle was over, BeowulfHad been granted new glory: Grendel escaped,But wounded as he was could flee to his den,His miserable hole at the bottom of the marshOnly to die. ...... Now, with that night’s fierce work; the Danes Had been served as he’d boasted he’d serve them:

Beowulf,A prince of the Geats, had killed Grendel, Ended the grief, the sorrow, the suffering Forced on Hrothgar’s helpless people By a bloodthirsty fiend. No Dane doubted The victory, for the proof, hanging high From the rafters where Beowulf had hung it, was

the monster’sArm, claw and shoulder and all.

The Danes are delighted by Grendel’s death and honor Beowulf that night in celebrations. But another monster still threatens them—Grendel’s mother. Outraged by her son’s death, she attacks Herot that very night. She kills Hrothgar’s friend and then returns to her lair at the bottom of the lake. Beowulf bravely follows.

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NOTESThen he sawThe mighty water witch and swung his sword,His ring-marked blade, straight at her head; ...... But her guestDiscovered that no sword could slice her evilSkin, that Hrunting2 could not hurt her, was uselessNow when he needed it. They wrestled, she rippedAnd tore and clawed at him, bit holes in his helmet,And that too failed him; for the first time in yearsOf being worn to war it would earn no glory;It was the last time anyone would wear it. But BeowulfLonged only for fame, leaped backInto battle. He tossed his sword aside,Angry; the steel-edged blade lay whereHe’d dropped it. If weapons were useless he’d useHis hands, the strength in his fingers. So fameComes to men who mean to win itAnd care about nothing else! ...

Then he saw, hanging on the wall, a heavySword, hammered by giants, strongAnd blessed with their magic, the best of all weaponsBut so massive that no ordinary man could liftit* carved and decorated length. He drew itFrom its scabbard, broke the chain on its hilt,And then, savage, now, angryAnd desperate, lifted it high over his headAnd struck with all the strength he had left,Caught her in the neck and cut it through,Broke bones and all. Her body fellTo the floor, lifeless, the sword was wetWith her blood, and Beowulf rejoiced at the sight.

After being honored by Hrothgar, Beowulf and the other Geats return home. There, Beowulf eventually becomes king. He rules with success for fifty years. Then, a Geat man steals a drinking cup from a treasure in a tower guarded by a fire-breathing dragon. When the angry dragon attacks his kingdom, Beowulf, despite old age, goes to battle the creature.

Then Beowulf rose, still brave, still strong,And with his shield at his side, and a mail shirt3 on

his breast,Strode calmly, confidently, toward the tower, underThe rocky cliffs; no coward could have walked there! ...

2. Hrunting n. the name of Beowulf’s sword.3. mail shirt n. flexible body armor made of metal.

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NOTES... The beast rose, angry,Knowing a man had come—and then nothingBut war could have followed. Its breath came first,A steaming cloud pouring from the stone,Then the earth itself shook. BeowulfSwung his shield into place. ...... The Geats’Great prince stood firm, unmoving, preparedBehind his high shield, waiting in his shiningArmor. The monster came quickly toward him,Pouring out fire and smoke, hurryingTo its fate. Flames beat at the ironShield, and for a time it held, protectedBeowulf as he’d planned; then it began to melt,And for the first time in his life that famous princeFought with fate against him, with gloryDenied him. He knew it, but he raised his swordAnd struck at the dragon’s scaly hide.The ancient blade broke, bit intoThe monster’s skin, drew blood, but crackedAnd failed him before it went deep enough, helped himLess than he needed. The dragon leapedWith pain, thrashed and beat at him, spoutingMurderous flames, spreading them everywhere.

All of Beowulf’s subjects have fled in terror except Wiglaf, who fights at Beowulf’s side. But though Beowulf manages to kill the dragon, he receives a fatal wound himself. Gasping, he reminds Wiglaf to claim the dragon’s treasure for the Geats. He then gives his final instructions.

“... Wiglaf, lead my people,Help them; my time is gone. HaveThe brave Geats build me a tomb,When the funeral flames have burned me, and build itHere, at the water’s edge, highOn this spit of land, so sailors can seeThis tower, and remember my name, and call itBeowulf’s tower. ...”

Then the Geats built the tower, as BeowulfHad asked, strong and tall, so sailorsCould find it from far and wide; workingFor ten long days they made his monument,Sealed his ashes in walls as straightAnd high as wise and willing handsCould raise them. And the riches he and WiglafHad won from the dragon, rings, necklaces,Ancient, hammered armor—allThe treasures they’d taken were left there, too,

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NOTESSilver and jewels buried in the sandyGround, back in the earth, againAnd forever hidden and useless to men.And then twelve of the bravest GeatsRode their horses around the tower,Telling their sorrow, telling storiesOf their dead king and his greatness, his glory,Praising him for heroic deeds, for a lifeAs noble as his name, ...Crying that no better king had everLived, no prince so mild, no manSo open to his people, so deserving of praise.

Beowulf. Copyright © 1999, 2000, 2007 by Gareth Hinds. Reproduced by permission of the publisher, Candlewick Press, Somerville, MA.

From Beowulf, translated by Burton Raffel, copyright © 1963, renewed © 1991 by Burton Raffel. Used by permission of New American Library, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House LLC.

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NOTES

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This text is an alternate version of the original text, which appears in your student edition.

Recent research1 in psychology points to secrets of effective leadership. These secrets deeply challenge general wisdom.

“Today we’ve had a national tragedy,” announced President George W. Bush, addressing the nation for the first time on September 11, 2001. “Two airplanes have crashed into the World Trade Center in an apparent terrorist attack on our country.” Bush then promised “to hunt down and to find those folks who committed this act.” These remarks, made from Emma T. Booker Elementary School in Sarasota, Fla., may not seem extraordinary. But in indirect ways they demonstrate Bush’s skill as a leader. When viewed through the lens of a new theory of leadership, Bush’s 9/11 address contains important clues to how the president strengthened his political power in his early months and years in office.

In the past, leadership specialists considered charisma, intelligence, and other personality traits to be the key to effective leadership. For that reason, these researchers thought that good leaders use their natural talents to control followers. They would tell them what to do. They would have the goal either of inspiring them with enthusiasm and willpower or of forcing them to obey directions. Such theories suggest that leaders with enough character and willpower can triumph over whatever reality they face.

In recent years, however, a new picture of leadership has emerged. This picture is one that better accounts for leadership performance. In this new view, effective leaders must work to understand the values and opinions of their followers rather than taking on complete authority. They enable a productive dialogue with followers. This dialogue is about what the group wants and stands for and thus how it should act. By leadership, we mean the ability to shape what followers actually want to do. It is not the act of forcing obedience using rewards and punishments.

Good leadership depends on the cooperation and support of others. This new psychology of leadership goes against the notion that leadership is only a top-down process. In fact, it suggests that to gain trust among followers, leaders must try to place themselves among the group rather than above it. In his use of everyday language, such as “hunt down” and “those folks,” Bush showed himself on 9/11 as a typical American able to speak for America.

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SCIENCE ARTICLE

Stephen D. Reicher, Michael J. Platow, and S. Alexander Haslam

The New Psychology of Leadership

1. Recent research this article was published in 2007.

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NOTESAccording to this new approach, no fixed set of personality traits can promise good leadership. The most desirable traits depend on the nature of the group being led. Leaders can even select the traits they want to project to followers. It is no accident, then, that Bush has often come across to Americans as a regular guy. He has avoided being viewed as the child of an elite East Coast Yale University family.

But far from simply taking on a group’s identity, successful presidents or chief executives who use this approach work to shape that identity for their own ends. Thus, Bush helped to resolve the mass confusion on 9/11 in a way that encouraged and helped to create a new national unity. Among other things, people had questions. Who or what was the target? New York? Washington? Capitalism? The Western world? Bush’s answer: America is under attack. By establishing this fact, he produced a sense of a united nation that required his leadership.

From Charisma to Consensus

Nearly 100 years ago the well-known German political and social thinker Max Weber introduced the notion of “charismatic leadership.” He said it was a cure to his gloomy forecast for modern society. Without such leadership, he predicted, “not summer’s bloom lies ahead of us, but rather a polar night of icy darkness and hardness.” Since then, the notion of charisma has lasted. It has either attracted us or pushed us away as a view of events in the world at large. In the chaos following World War I, many scholars continued to see strong leaders as rescuers. But in the aftermath of tyranny, Nazism, and World War II, many turned against the notion that character determines the effectiveness of leaders.

Instead scholars began to favor “contingency models.” These focus on the context in which leaders operate. For example, work in the 1960s and 1970s by the important social psychologist Fred Fiedler of the University of Washington suggested that the secret of good leadership lies in discovering the “perfect match” between the individual and the leadership challenge he or she faces. For every would-be leader, there is a best possible leadership environment. For every leadership challenge, there is a perfect candidate. This idea has proved to be a big moneymaker. It lies beneath a huge number of best-selling business books. It makes up the strategies of company headhunters who publicize themselves as outstanding matchmakers.

In fact, such models have delivered mixed results. These results have contributed to a partial reappearance of charismatic models of leadership in recent decades. In particular, James MacGregor Burns’s work on change leadership in the late 1970s restored the view that only a person with a specific and rare set of traits is able to bring about necessary changes in the structure of organizations and society.

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NOTESHow, then, do we get beyond this frustrating flip-flop between those who argue that a leader can overcome circ*mstances and those who reply that circ*mstances define the leader? In our view, strong leadership arises out of a cooperative relationship between leaders and followers within a given social group. Therefore, it requires a deep understanding of group psychology.

In the 1970s Henri Tajfel and John C. Turner, then at the University of Bristol in England, performed groundbreaking studies. These studies were about how groups can change individual psychology. Tajfel created the term “social identity.” The term refers to the part of a person’s sense of self that is defined by a group. As Turner pointed out, social identity also allows people to identify and act together as group members. For example, they may see themselves as Catholics, Americans, or Dodgers fans. Social identities thus make group behavior possible. They enable us to reach agreement on what matters to us. They allow us to coordinate our actions with others. They help us work for shared goals.

Tajfel and Turner’s original social identity structure does not refer to leadership openly. But it helps to explain why leadership requires a common “us” to represent. Leadership thinker Bernard Bass of Binghamton University has shown, for example, that leaders are most successful when they can encourage followers to see themselves as group members and to see the group’s interest as their own interest.

The development of social identity helps to explain the change in the strategies of rulers associated with the birth of modern nations in the nineteenth century. According to historian Tim Blanning of the University of Cambridge, before national identities arose, European kings and queens could rule only as dictators. They used power (rather than true leadership) to control people. But once people identified with nations, effective kings and queens needed to rule as patriots. They were able to lead the people because they represented a shared national identity. Kings such as Louis XVI of France who misunderstood or ignored this shift actually lost their heads.

More recently, we confirmed the importance of social identities for leadership in an experiment we called the BBC Prison Study. It was an investigation of social behavior conducted within an imitation prison environment. We randomly assigned volunteers to two groups, prisoners and guards. Surprisingly, we found that meaningful and successful leadership came about among the prisoners but not among the guards. Only the prisoners developed a strong sense of shared social identity based on a common desire to resist the guards’ authority. The guards, on the other hand, lacked a group identity, in part because some of them were not comfortable being in a position of authority. Therefore, they did not develop successful leadership and finally collapsed as a group.

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NOTESOne of the Gang

When a shared social identity exists, individuals who can best represent that identity will have the most influence over the group’s members. They will be the most successful leaders. That is, the best leaders represent the group. They not only seem to belong to it but also demonstrate what makes the group different from and better than competing groups. For example, Bush was connecting with Middle America—purposely or otherwise—when he littered his speeches with verbal mistakes. This was something that columnist Kevin Drum suggested in the Washington Monthly worked in Bush’s favor in the 2004 election. Indeed, those who made fun of Bush’s awkward statements suffered. Their criticism showed them as a favored group out of touch with most ordinary Americans.

Even the way leaders dress can help them appear representative of the groups they lead. Bush’s leather jackets and cowboy clothes round out the image of him as a regular guy. In the same way, the late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat wore the headscarf of peasants to connect himself with his people. The founder of Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, wore a dress made of representative items from the various regions of the new country. This suggested a newly united national identity and established him as its leader.

Such examples go against the notion that leadership requires a particular set of personality traits or that leaders should behave in a specific way. The most desirable traits and actions have to fit with the culture of the group being led. Therefore, they vary from group to group. Even some of the most publicized leadership traits, such as intelligence, can be called into question in some settings. Some people consider being down-to-earth or trustworthy as more important than being brilliant, for instance. Where this is the case, being seen as too clever may actually weaken one’s standing as a leader, as Bush’s strategies suggest.

Followers may also reject an otherwise desirable trait such as intelligence if doing so helps the group differentiate itself from competitors. In a study published in 2000 by Turner, now at the Australian National University, and one of us (Haslam), we asked business students to choose the ideal characteristics for a business leader. When the students were faced with an opposing group that had an intelligent leader (who was also thoughtless and uninterested), the students wanted their leader to be unintelligent (but thoughtful and devoted). But when the opposing leader was unintelligent, almost nobody wanted an unintelligent leader.

If fitting in is important for gaining influence and control, then anything that sets leaders apart from the group can weaken their success. Acting superior or failing to treat followers respectfully or listen to them

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NOTESwill damage a leader’s trustworthiness and power. Similar problems can arise if a leader and followers are separated by a wide pay gap. Financier J. P. Morgan once observed that the only feature shared by the failing companies he worked with was a tendency to overpay those at the top.

Another experiment of ours, which we reported in 2004, confirms Morgan’s wisdom. We created work teams in which leaders’ payment was either equal to, double, or triple that of followers. Varying the payment structure did not affect the leaders’ efforts. But team members’ efforts shrank greatly under conditions of inequality. As the late Peter F. Drucker, then professor of management at Claremont Graduate University, wrote in his book The Frontiers of Management, “Very high salaries at the top... disrupt the team. They make ... people in the company see their own top management as adversaries rather than as colleagues ... And that quenches any willingness to say ’we’ and to exert oneself except in one’s own immediate self-interest.”

Favoring Fairness

Another reason not to overpay those at the top is that followers are likely to see such financial inequality as unfair. Followers generally respect fairness in leaders. But what fairness means can depend on the followers. Ways to be fair as a leader include avoiding helping yourself and making sacrifices for the group. Gandhi won people over by wearing an Indian villager’s dress, which symbolized his refusal of luxuries. Aung San Suu Kyi similarly attracted supporters with her willingness to suffer ongoing house arrest to support shared resistance to military rule in Myanmar (Burma).

Successful leaders can also display fairness in the way they solve disagreements among group members. Favoritism, or even the appearance of it, is the royal road to civil war in organizations, political parties, and countries alike. In some cases, however, leaders should favor those who support their own group (the in-group) over those who support another group (the out-group).

In a 1997 study conducted by one of us (Platow) in New Zealand, people supported the leadership of a health board CEO who split time on a kidney dialysis machine equally between two fellow New Zealanders. Yet when the CEO had to split the time between a New Zealander and a foreigner, people liked the leader who gave more time to the in-group member. And in a 2001 study we asked Australian undergraduates about their support for a student leader named Chris. Chris had distributed rewards between student council members who were known to either support or oppose core student positions (regarding cuts to university funding, for example). Chris was more popular to the extent that he showed a preference for the council members who supported the in-group position. And when Chris showed such favoritism, the undergraduates were more likely to back him and arrive at ways to make his proposed projects succeed.

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NOTESPeople do not always prefer leaders who are biased against the out-group, however. A leader who represents a group that holds a strong belief in equality must treat in- and out-group members equally. Thus, when a member of the British Parliament recently put British families before migrants in setting aside public housing for those in need, charitable groups, religious groups, and socialist groups all protested loudly. Good leadership does not mean applying universal rules of behavior. Instead, it means understanding the group to be led and the types of actions it values and considers worthwhile.

Wielding Words

But, of course, leadership is not simply a matter of fitting in to group standards. Anyone who is in the business of mobilizing people—whether to get them to the polls, to the office, or to protest an injustice—must also work to shape and define those standards. Presidents and other leaders most often mold social identities through words. This is what Bush did in his 9/11 address.

The most successful leaders define their group’s social identity to fit with the policies they plan to support. They can then put forth those policies as expressions of what their group already believes. In the Gettysburg Address, which begins, “Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal,” Abraham Lincoln strongly emphasized the principle of equality to unite people around his key policy objectives, unification of the states and emancipation of the slaves.

In fact, the Constitution contains many principles. And no one stands above all others, according to historian Garry Wills in his Pulitzer Prizewinning book, Lincoln at Gettysburg: The Words That Remade America. Nevertheless, Lincoln elevated equality to a position of supreme importance and made it the standard for American identity. After Lincoln’s address, Americans interpreted the Constitution in a new way. As Wills writes of the Gettysburg audience: “Everyone in that vast throng of thousands was having his or her intellectual pocket picked. The crowd departed with a new thing in its ideological luggage, that new constitution.” This reshaping of American identity as centered on equality allowed Lincoln to unite and mobilize Americans around freeing the slaves—a previously divisive issue. Through his skills as a writer, this supreme builder of identity brought about one of the greatest achievements in American history.

Identities and Realities

If Lincoln’s definition of American identity moved people to create a more equal society, then the realities of emancipation served to strengthen equality as the core of American identity. That is, there is a

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NOTESshared relationship between social identity and social reality. Identity influences the type of society people create and that society in turn affects the identities people adopt.

An identity that is out of step with reality and that has no hope of being realized, on the other hand, will soon be discarded in favor of more workable alternatives. Our BBC Prison Study provided a harsh warning. It showed what happens if a leader’s vision is not accompanied by a strategy for turning that vision into reality. In this study, the collapse of the guard system led participants to set up a group whose members believed passionately in equality. But the group’s leaders failed to establish structures that either supported equality or controlled those who challenged the system. In the end, the group also stumbled. The continuing inequality led even the most loyal to lose faith. They began to believe in a world with the powerful at the top. They turned to an unjust model of leadership that would bring their vision into being.

The wise leader is not simply tuned in to making identities real. He or she also helps followers experience identities as real. In this manner, rituals and symbols provide perspective by giving a dramatized representation of the world on a smaller scale. In her book Festivals and the French Revolution, Mona Ozouf, director of research at the French National Center for Scientific Research, writes that the revolutionaries created a whole new set of festivals. They were designed to symbolize a France based on “liberty, equality, fraternity.” In the past, people had paraded according to social rank. But now rich and poor paraded together, organized by age instead. In contrast, Adolf Hitler set up his Nuremberg rallies to portray an undemocratic society. He started among the masses. But at a strategic moment he would climb a podium from where he could talk down to the crowded and orderly ranks.

No matter how skilled a person might be, however, a leader’s success does not lie entirely in his or her own hands. As we have seen, leaders are highly dependent on followers. Do followers see their leader as one of them? Do followers find their leader’s visions of identity convincing? Do followers learn the intended lessons from rituals and ceremonies? Our new psychological analysis tells us that for leadership to function well, leaders and followers must be bound by a shared identity. They must also be bound by the goal to use that identity as a plan for action.

The division of responsibility in this journey can vary. In more tyrannical cases, leaders can claim sole power over identity and punish anyone who disagrees. In more democratic cases, leaders can engage the population in a dialogue over their shared identity and goals. Either way, the development of a shared social identity is the basis of influential and creative leadership. If you control the definition of identity, you can change the world.

Reproduced with permission. Copyright © 2007 Scientific American, a division of Nature America, Inc. All rights reserved.

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This version of the selection alternates original text with summarized passages. Dotted lines appear next to the summarized passages.

The year is 1588. At odds with England over trade in the Americas, Spain has sent a fleet of warships to the English shores. Elizabeth I, Queen of England, speaks to her troops as they wait to fight the invading Spanish. She says that people have advised her not to walk in a crowd full of people with weapons. She, however, declares her complete faith in her troops.

Let tyrants fear; I have always so behaved myself that, under God, I have placed my chiefest strength and safeguard in the loyal hearts and good will of my subjects.

Queen Elizabeth promises the soldiers that she has come to the battlefield not for her own enjoyment, but to fight alongside the men. She is willing to lay down her honor and her blood for her God, her kingdom, and her people. She is ready to die for thecause.

I know I have but the body of a weak and feeble woman; but I have the heart of a king, and of a king of England, too; and think foul scorn that Parma or Spain,1 or any prince of Europe, should dare to invade the borders of my realms. …

Elizabeth swears to be a general for the troops and to reward them generously after the battle. She leaves them in the charge of her lieutenant general. The lieutenant general, she assures them, is an excellent military leader. Queen Elizabeth is confident of the battle’s result.

… We shall shortly have a famous victory over the enemies of my God, of my kingdom, and of my people.

SPEECH

Queen Elizabeth I

Speech Before Her Troops

1. Parma or Spain reference to the Duke of Parma and the Duke of Medina Sidonia, the Spanish noblemen and military commanders who led the invasion of England.

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This version of the selection alternates original text with summarized passages. Dotted lines appear next to the summarized passages.

Accused of encouraging rebellion, Mohandas Gandhi gave this speech to defend his political protests. Gandhi starts by stating that he agrees with what the prosecutor says about him. He admits to encouraging disaffection1 to the government. In fact, he explains, he has been doing so for longer than the prosecutor claims. Gandhi takes responsibility for outbreaks of violence in Bombay and Chauri Chaura.2 He agrees that as a thinking person, he should have known what might result from his actions. But if he were set free, he says, he would still do what he did.

I wanted to avoid violence, I want to avoid violence. Nonviolence is the first article of my faith. It is also the last article of my creed. But I had to make my choice. I had either to submit to a system which I considered had done an irreparable harm to my country, or incur the risk of the mad fury of my people bursting forth, when they understood the truth from my lips. I know that my people have sometimes gone mad. I am deeply sorry for it, and I am therefore here to submit not to a light penalty but to the highest penalty. I do not ask for mercy.

Gandhi admits to committing a crime. However, he argues that his disobedience was his duty as a citizen. If the judge believes that British rule is good for the Indian people, Gandhi demands that the judge either give him the worst punishment or resign his post. Gandhi hopes his statement might help the judge understand why he has taken such great risks. Gandhi feels that he owes the public in India and in England an explanation of why he no longer supports the government. He also feels that he owes the court an explanation of why he is pleading guilty to encouraging disaffection.

My public life began in 1893 in South Africa in troubled weather. My first contact with British Authority in that country was not of a happy character. I discovered that as a man and as an Indian I had no rights. More correctly, I discovered that I had no rights as a man because I was an Indian.

But I was not baffled. I thought that this treatment of Indians was an excrescence upon a system that was intrinsically and mainly good. I gave the government my voluntary and hearty cooperation, criticizing it freely where I felt it was faulty but never wishing its destruction.

SPEECH

Mohandas K. Gandhi

Defending Nonviolent Resistance

1. disaffection (dihs uh FEHK shuhn) n. discontent; disillusionment.2. Bombay and Chauri Chaura Indian city and village.

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NOTESGandhi next recounts more of his experiences under British rule. After the Boer War3 began in 1899, Gandhi raised a volunteer ambulance corps. He served in several actions. In 1906 during the Zulu revolt,4 Gandhi served as a stretcher-bearer. He received medals from the British for his work in South Africa. When World War I started in 1914, he raised a volunteer ambulance corps of Indians living in London. He hoped that his efforts might help Indians achieve full equality within the British Empire.

The first shock to this belief came with the Rowlatt Act,5 which robbed Indians of basic freedoms. Gandhi felt that he must lead resistance to it. Then came the horrible events that began with the massacre Jallianwala Bagh6 and climaxed in awful punishments. He learned that a British promise to Indian Muslims would probably not be kept. Despite all this, Gandhi still supported cooperation with British rule. But his hopes were eventually shattered. British crimes went unpunished and British promises were broken.

I came reluctantly to the conclusion that the British connection had made India more helpless than she was before, politically and economically. A disarmed India has no power of resistance against any aggressor if she wanted to engage in an armed conflict with him. So much is this the case that some of our best men consider that India must take generations before she can achieve the dominion status. She has become so poor that she has little power of resisting famines. Before the British advent, India spun and wove in her millions of cottages just the supplement she needed for adding to her meager agricultural resources. This cottage industry, so vital for India’s existence, has been ruined by incredibly heartless and inhuman processes as described by English witnesses.

Gandhi argues that people living in Indian towns do not grasp that most of India’s poor are nearly starving. They do not grasp that British government helps foreigners exploit the labor of India’s poor. The evidence of this starvation, Gandhi says, can be seen in many villages. He believes it to be a crime against humanity. The law, he says, is unjust because it serves foreign exploiters. Gandhi’s research has found that ninety-five percent of martial law convictions are wrong. Nine out of ten of those convicted in political cases are innocent. In ninety-nine cases out of a hundred involving an Indian and a European, the Indian is denied justice.

The greatest misfortune is that Englishmen and their Indian associates in the administration of the country do not know that they are engaged in the crime I have attempted to describe. I am satisfied that many Englishmen and Indian officials honestly believe that they are administering one of the best systems devised in the world and that India is making steady though slow progress. They do not know that a subtle but effective system of terrorism and an organized display of force, on the one hand, and the deprivation of all powers of retaliation or self-defense, on the other, have

3. Boer War rebellion in South Africa against British rule. The British suppressed the rebellion in 1902 after resorting to guerilla warfare.

4. the Zulu revolt in response to the imposition of a poll tax, Zulu forces protested and later engaged in armed revolt against British colonial authorities.

5. Rowlatt Act series of repressive acts that limited the powers of the Indian people. 6. the massacre at Jallianwala Bagh under orders of General R. H. Dyer, fifty British soldiers

opened fire on a crowd of peaceful Indians, firing 1,650 rounds of ammunition. The general was dismissed from his duties.

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NOTESemasculated the people and induced in them the habit of simulation. This awful habit has added to the ignorance and the self-deception of the administrators.

Gandhi was charged under section 124-A of the Indian Penal Code.7 However, Gandhi argues, a law cannot manufacture or control people’s affection for a system of government. A person should be able to express disaffection as long as he does not promote violence. Gandhi says that he has no personal ill feeling toward any single official or toward the British king. However, he feels that British rule has done more harm to India than any previous system of government. He believes he has shown, in non-cooperation, a way out of this evil relationship.

In my humble opinion, non-cooperation with evil is as much a duty as is cooperation with good. But in the past, non-cooperation has been deliberately expressed in violence to the evildoer. I am endeavoring to show to my countrymen that violent non-cooperation only multiplies evil and that as evil can only be sustained by violence, withdrawal of support of evil requires complete abstention from violence. Nonviolence implies voluntary submission to the penalty for non-cooperation with evil.

At the end of his speech, Gandhi is ready to “submit cheerfully” to the harshest punishment. He calls his actions a “deliberate crime” and “the highest duty of a citizen.”

7. Section 124-A ... Penal Code Gandhi was charged with sedition, inciting people to riot against British rule.

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This version of the selection alternates original text with summarized passages. Dotted lines appear next to the summarized passages.

In this essay, Zadie Smith helps her father, Harvey, write the story of his service as a soldier during World War II. His and other personal war stories were collected and placed online as a historical record. This record was created to mark the sixtieth anniversary of the end of the war.

I knew my father had “stormed the beach at Normandy.” I knew nobody else’s father had—that job had been wisely left to their grandfathers. That’s all I knew. As a child, the mildewed war came to me piecemeal through the usual sources, very rarely from him. Harvey never spoke about it as a personal reality, and the truth was I didn’t think of it as a reality, but only as one of many fictional details woven into the fabric of my childhood. …

After she grew up, Zadie happened to make a visit to Normandy. She saw some of the sites where the battle had been fought. She saw the cemetery where the Americans killed there were buried. The experience moved her deeply. She returned home full of a desire to find out what her father had done as a soldier. She bought a Dictaphone1 to record his responses and then began to interview him about “his war.” She was surprised that he now seemed very ready to talk about it.

I was a bad journalist to my father, short-tempered, bullying. He never said what I wanted him to. Each week we struggled as I tried to force his story into my mold—territory previously covered by Saving Private Ryan or The Great Escape2—and he tried to stop me. He only wanted to explain what had happened to him. And his war, as he sees it, was an accidental thing, ambivalent, unplanned, an ordinary man’s experience of extremity.

Zadie began to see that, alongside the war heroes, there was a different type of soldier. Millions of soldiers, including her father, were just average young people who chose to join the army. Her father grew up in a working-class family and, at age seventeen, did not know what he wanted to do in life. One day, he wandered into a recruitment office in his neighborhood in London. The recruitment officer said he would be able to join the war effort six months before his eighteenth birthday. The attention of the recruitment officer made Harvey feel special. That sort of attention is what you crave as a teenager, Harvey told Zadie. Harvey enrolled in the British army. After training for two years, Harvey’s regiment was informed they would storm an area of Normandy called King’s Beach. Harvey hoped to be assigned to fight in a tank but later learned he would work the radio in his commanding officer’s truck.

On the fifth of June at about 11 P.M., they set off. They were meant to land on the morning of the fifth, but the conditions had been too dreadful.

ESSAY

Zadie Smith

Accidental Hero

1. Dictaphone n. machine used to record speech.2. Saving Private Ryan or The Great Escape two films about soldiers in World War II.

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NOTESThey were still dreadful—everybody was sick. In the middle of the crossing, Harvey saw his first British warship, a huge shadowed beast, moving through the water. As he watched, it shot off a broadside from its sixteen-inch guns, rocking sideways in the recoil. “I knew then. I hadn’t known before. I knew this was serious.”

Harvey was far luckier than many soldiers who fought at Normandy. He was not among the first soldiers who attacked. The fighting at the beach where he landed was not as fierce as at some others. However, what he saw and felt in his first battle was a shock.

“I was looking out from the back of the truck. Young dead Germans were everywhere. They looked like us; they could have been us. It was gruesome. And we’d heard by then that Major Elphinstone, our major, had died the minute he hit the beach. He stuck his head out of the tank to look about and—pop—a sniper shot him in the face. But you must write that I had an easy day. I had absolutely an easy day. The work had been done, you see. It’d been done. I wasn’t like Bert Scaife.”

Harvey explained that Bert Scaife was a soldier who became a legend for his heroism on the first day at Normandy. Harvey said that his own luck held out after he left the beach and traveled inland through the Normandy lanes. He nearly died on several occasions. Harvey, however, remembered only minor events from this time. He slept the first night in a sweet-smelling orchard. He bought a pen in a French town. Zadie became impatient with her father. She wanted to focus him on more serious details. So she asked him about some shrapnel that had been found in his body by an X-ray long after the war.

A few days after the pen incident, my father was again in an orchard in the middle of the night. He decided to make tea, the way you did during the war, by filling a biscuit tin full of sand and a little petrol and setting that alight. He shouldn’t have done that. The flames were spotted and a mortar bomb sent over. He doesn’t know how many men died. Maybe two, maybe three. I leaned forward and turned up the volume.

Smith now felt she was getting what she had really wanted when she began this project. Sharing this painful secret would lead to a closer relationship between her and her father. She tried to comfort him by pointing out that everyone makes mistakes in youth. Harvey still felt responsible for what had happened. Harvey was wounded in the attack and sent back to England to recover.

He woke up on a stretcher in a truck, two dead Germans either side of him, picked up from some other incident. That was the end of his war for a few weeks while he recuperated in England. When he went back, in the final months of the war, he did some remarkable things. He caught a senior Nazi, an episode I turned into idiotic comedy for a novel. He helped liberate Belsen.3 But it’s those weeks in Normandy that are most significant to him. The mistakes he made, the things he didn’t do, how lucky he was. To finish up, I asked him if he thought he was brave in Normandy.

3. Belsen Nazi concentration camp.

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NOTESHarvey did not believe he had been brave in Normandy. He had not been called on to be brave. He had not been a hero like Bert Scaife. He did not like to think about his role in an effort to kill ordinary people. After the war, still in the army, he spent a year in Germany. He made friends with ordinary Germans and nearly married a German girl. There was photograph in her home of her brother, a soldier who had been killed in the war. When a fellow British soldier joined him on a visit to the girl’s home, he wanted to turn the picture to the wall. But Harvey stopped him. These were just ordinary people, he said.

This story marks the end of Harvey’s recorded interview about the war. But he called his daughter several times afterward to stress that he had not been brave during the war. In reply, she once asked him if he at least felt proud of his service.

In sum, Harvey thinks pride a pale virtue. To his mind, an individual act either helps a little or it does not, and to be proud of it afterward helps nobody much, changes nothing. Still, I am proud of him. … he didn’t lose himself in horror. Which is a special way of being brave, of being courageous, and a quality my father shares with millions of ordinary men and women who fought that miserable war.

From Changing My Mind by Zadie Smith. Copyright © 2009 by Zadie Smith. Reproduced by permission of Penguin Books Ltd.

From Changing My Mind by Zadie Smith. Copyright © 2009 Zadie Smith. Reprinted by permission of Penguin Canada, a division of Penguin Random House Canada Limited.

“Accidental Hero”, from Changing My Mind: Occasional Essays by Zadie Smith, copyright © 2009 by Zadie Smith. Used by permission of Penguin Press, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House LLC.

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This version of the selection alternates original text with summarized passages. Dotted lines appear next to the summarized passages.

Sparta and Athens were the most powerful city-states in ancient Greece. After fighting together to defeat the Persian Empire, they turned on each other in the Peloponnesian War. Pericles’ speech was given at a public funeral for Athenians who had died in the war with Sparta. This custom is held each year. Both citizens and foreigners may attend. The bones of the dead are carried in a procession to a public burial place. When the bones have been buried, a man chosen both for his ability and his good name makes a speech in praise of the dead. In the first year of the war, Pericles is chosen. He stands on a platform so that the crowd can hear him.

Pericles recounts how many previous speakers have praised the custom of funeral oration. However, he feels that the quality of his oration should have no effect on the remembrance of the dead soldiers. They should be remembered only for the bravery of their actions.

“The man who knows the facts and loves the dead may well think that an oration tells less than what he knows and what he would like to hear: Others who do not know so much may feel envy for the dead, and think the orator over-praises them, when he speaks of exploits that are beyond their own capacities. Praise of other people is tolerable only up to a certain point, the point where one still believes that one could do oneself some of the things one is hearing about. Once you get beyond this point, you will find people becoming jealous and incredulous. However, the fact is that this institution was set up and approved by our forefathers, and it is my duty to follow the tradition and do my best to meet the wishes and the expectations of every one of you.”

Pericles praises the Athenians’ ancestors for creating Athens. Their sacrifice, he says, has allowed the present generation to increase the power of this empire. Athens now works well in both peace and war. However, Pericles declares that he does not want to make a long speech about the events of the past. Instead, he wants to explain the spirit with which the Athenians have faced their challenges. He also wants to explain the system of government and way of life that has made Athens great. After that, he will praise the dead. Pericles believes that both citizens and foreigners may benefit from hearing it.

“Let me say that our system of government does not copy the institutions of our neighbors. It is more the case of our being a model to others than of our imitating anyone else. Our constitution is called a democracy1 because power is in the hands not of a minority but of the whole people. When it

SPEECH

Thucydides, translated by Rex Warner

Pericles’ Funeral Orationfrom History of the Peloponnesian War

1. Our constitution is called a democracy democracy comes from the Greek word demos, meaning “the people,” and kratos, which means “rule” or “authority.” The Athenian constitution is the first document to use the term.

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NOTESis a question of settling private disputes, everyone is equal before the law; when it is a question of putting one person before another in positions of public responsibility, what counts is not membership of a particular class, but the actual ability which the man possesses.”

Pericles praises the Athenians for their role in the functioning state. Poverty keeps no able man from service to the state, he argues. Athenians’ private lives are as free as their public lives. They have a live-and-let-live attitude toward each other. They can be tolerant in private life because in public life everyone respects the law. They obey those they place in positions of authority and the laws themselves. They especially obey, Pericles says, laws that protect the weak or unwritten laws that are shameful to break.

“When our work is over, we are in a position to enjoy all kinds of recreation for our spirits. There are various kinds of contests and sacrifices regularly throughout the year; in our own homes we find a beauty and a good taste which delight us every day and which drive away our cares. Then the greatness of our city brings it about that all the good things from all over the world flow into us, so that to us it seems just as natural to enjoy foreign goods as our own local products.”

Athens and Sparta differ in the way they defend their cities, Pericles says. Athens is open to the world. Athenians rely on their courage and their loyalty, not secret weapons. The Athenian educational system shows another difference. The Spartans train their children to be brave, Pericles states. Athenians do not, but they are nonetheless ready to face danger. One proof of this is that when the Spartans invade Athens, they do not come by themselves. They bring all their allies with them. When Athenians launch an attack abroad, they do the job by themselves. Pericles believes there is an advantage to natural, voluntary courage over courage based on training.

“Our love of what is beautiful does not lead to extravagance; our love of the things of the mind does not make us soft. We regard wealth as something to be properly used, rather than as something to boast about. As for poverty, no one need be ashamed to admit it: The real shame is in not taking practical measures to escape from it. Here each individual is interested not only in his own affairs but in the affairs of the state as well: Even those who are mostly occupied with their own business are extremely well-informed on general politics—this is a peculiarity of ours: We do not say that a man who takes no interest in politics is a man who minds his own business; we say that he has no business here at all.”

Pericles commends Athenians on their willingness to discuss public issues. According to him, Athenians believe that the worst thing they can do is rush into an action without debating its consequences. They are ready to take risks, but they first want to know what the risks are. A truly brave man, Pericles argues, is one who knows what he is risking and faces danger anyway.

Pericles says that the people of Athens make friends with other peoples by giving rather than receiving. Such friendships are stronger, he argues, because they are built on continual goodwill. Athenians do good to others without thinking about whether it is to their advantage. Pericles believes that these qualities make Athens an example for all of Greece.

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NOTES“And to show that this is no empty boasting for the present occasion, but real tangible fact, you have only to consider the power which our city possesses and which has been won by those very qualities which I have mentioned. Athens, alone of the states we know, comes to her testing time in a greatness that surpasses what was imagined of her. In her case, and in her case alone, no invading enemy is ashamed at being defeated, and no subject can complain of being governed by people unfit for their responsibilities. Mighty indeed are the marks and monuments of our empire which we have left. Future ages will wonder at us, as the present age wonders at us now. We do not need the praises of a Homer, or of anyone else whose words may delight us for the moment, but whose estimation of facts will fall short of what is really true. For our adventurous spirit has forced an entry into every sea and into every land; and everywhere we have left behind us everlasting memorials of good done to our friends or suffering inflicted on our enemies.”

Pericles declares that this is the kind of city for which the Athenian soldiers have fought and died. He encourages his audience to continue to be willing to suffer hardships in service of Athens. Though he has spent much of the speech praising the city, Pericles credits the courage of the dead soldiers and others like them for Athens’ splendor.

The soldiers demonstrate to Pericles what it means to be a man. If they had faults, their bravery has made up for them. None of them let his private desires stop him from facing the enemy. They accepted the risk. They put their trust in themselves, and they thought it more honorable to stand their ground and die than to surrender and live. Pericles urges everyone present to show the same spirit.

“What I would prefer is that you should fix your eyes every day on the greatness of Athens as she really is, and should fall in love with her. When you realize her greatness, then reflect that what made her great was men with a spirit of adventure, men who knew their duty, men who were ashamed to fall below a certain standard.”

These men won glory that is eternal, Pericles says, because it lives on in men’s minds and hearts, not only in Athens but in foreign lands as well. The whole earth is their memorial. He urges his listeners to try to be like the soldiers. The listeners must understand that there is no happiness without freedom, and freedom depends on courage. Pericles warns the Athenians not to relax their guard. It is those who have the most to lose, he explains, who should fear death the most intensely.

“For these reasons I shall not commiserate with those parents of the dead, who are present here. Instead I shall try to comfort them. They are well aware that they have grown up in a world where there are many changes and chances. But this is good fortune—for men to end their lives with honor, as these have done, and for you honorably to lament them: Their life was set to a measure where death and happiness went hand in hand. I know that it is difficult to convince you of this. When you see other people happy you will often be reminded of what used to make you happy too. One does not feel sad at not having some good thing which is outside one’s experience: Real grief is felt at the loss of something which one is used to.”

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NOTESPericles advises parents who are still able to have more children. These new children will fill their lives and will help defend the city, he promises. Pericles reminds those who are too old to have children to be grateful for a long, happy life. Rejoice in the honorable name that the dead leave behind them, he says. Honor is the only thing that lasts. According to Pericles, the last pleasure in old age is the respect of one’s fellow men.

Those who are the sons or brothers of the dead will have a hard struggle living up to their standard. To the widows he says that a woman’s greatest glory is not to be talked about, either in praise or blame. With that, Pericles has said what the law demands. Athenians have made their offerings to the dead, and the city will support their children until they reach maturity. Pericles instructs the Athenians to mourn their loved ones and then depart.

From The History of the Peloponnesian War by Thucydides, translated by Rex Warner, with an introduction and notes by M.I. Finley (Penguin Classics 1954, Revised edition 1972). Translation copyright © Rex Warner, 1954. Introduction and Appendices copyright © M. I. Finley, 1972. Reproduced by permission of Penguin Books Ltd.Reproduced with permission of Curtis Brown Book Group Ltd, London on behalf of The Beneficiaries of the Estate of Rex Warner © 1972

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